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Evaluation 1 of "Does the Squeaky Wheel Get More Grease? The Direct and Indirect Effects of Citizen Participation on Environmental Governance in China" - Revised 11 August because of a small oversight
90% CI: (85, 95)1
Quality scale rating
“On a ‘scale of journals’, what ‘quality of journal’ should this be published in?: Note: 0= lowest/none, 5= highest/best”
90% CI: (4.5, 5.0) 2
See the evaluation summary for a more detailed breakdown of the evaluators’ ratings and predictions.
This review of Buntaine et al. 2022 is at the request of the organization [The] Unjournal and as such emphasizes certain issues that might not be as of great import in a standard review. In particular, I will examine the policy relevance and impact of this research, which means that I will dwell on issues of external validity to a greater extent than I might otherwise.
On the whole, I found this RCT to be both ambitious and remarkably well-executed; as such the academic and policy communities both stand to learn significant new information about how social media, pollution monitoring, companies, and local bureaucracies interact. The research design is also clear and clean; we know what was randomized and the outcome measures are appropriate and relatively error-free. Even apart from the substantive findings, I believe this paper should be a part of curricula that teach RCTs as it raises the bar for the sophistication of experiments.
At the same time, increasing complexity can also lead to more complex analyses. My main fault with the paper is that the over-time dynamics of the experiment are not appropriately handled, which can make it difficult to interpret the effects of the treatment. There is substantial work on over-time variation in cross-sectional data that the authors could draw on to give us a better understanding of the dynamics of the companies under study.
In terms of broader relevance, I believe that the study’s Weibo intervention points to the role that boosted posts could affect government behavior. In some sense, this paper is the inverse of the growing literature on state-backed misinformation on social media: if nefarious actors can influence the social media discourse and consequently what social media users believe (Tucker et al. 2017), it is quite possible that altruistic organizations could influence what governments believe based on social media, leading to consequent changes in policy.
While this is a remarkable finding and one worth considering as a new tool for policy engagement, an important caveat is that the findings of this RCT depend on the policymaker’s utility calculus. In the context in China, policymakers had precommitted to learn from citizen complaints and they also believed that the legitimacy of the state depended on responding to environmental concerns. When policymakers do not share these goals, the policy intervention could either have no effect or possibly backfire on those who make the appeals. I discuss these issues in greater length after examining the study.
As I mentioned above, I find the experiment to be remarkably well-designed. It uses a sophisticated multiple-arm approach with overlapping treatments, permitting them to maximize the different treatment nuances and consequently increase learning in the experiment. They also spent a significant amount of time to increase the validity of the treatment by analyzing pollution data from the CEMS system. This effort and attention to detail helps us know that the complaints being filed are based on actual violations rather than just raising awareness as such.
While the experiment was well-designed, the pre-registration was quite limited. We have a rough though generally accurate description of the experimental procedures and we are told that they intend to do the survey with more than 25,000 firms across 7 treatment arms. Their enrolled sample just missed this target at 24,620 firms. In general, 24,000 is still such a large number that I am not particularly concerned about power or sub-group analyses. However, that is not to say that all analyses will be well-powered, as Tom Cuningham noted about the recent Facebook mega-experiment. Compared to most experiments, though, this one will probably estimate most estimands with minimal noise and sampling error.
The limitations in the pre-registration, though, do affect how much we can learn from the experiment. We do not know what if any priors the authors’ had about effect sizes, and we lack a good understanding of the power of the design. It is a complicated design, so the power curve would require simulation, which may be non-trivial. There are R packages that offer help with this task. This lack of confirmed priors mean we have to be careful when we generalize beyond this study as we run the risk of confirmation bias; i.e., seeing these results as firmly established rather than at least partly exploratory. We can over-estimate the certainty of finished/published results while under-estimating the uncertainty of applying these interventions outside of their original context.
My main criticism of the article’s methodology is the panel data specifications that were employed. It appeared that the authors followed a long-standing tradition in econometrics to include substantial numbers of fixed effects as a way of “conservatively” estimating treatment effects. However, the authors’ specification, so far as I can tell, boils down to a two-way fixed effects specification that has been repeatedly criticized by authors in recent years (Imai et al. 2021, Goodman-Bacon 2018, de Chaisemartin & D’Haultfœuille 2022, Kropko & Kubinec 2020). As an author of one of these studies, I may be biased against this particular specification, but I think at minimum the authors should consider implementing simpler and easier to interpret estimates.
The issue of course is that, unlike canonical experiments in which the treatment is assigned cross-sectionally and a single observation of the outcome is obtained, the authors have companies observed daily for a significant period of time. This means we have, theoretically, one counterfactual outcome for each firm and each day. Which comparison on which day is most relevant? This “repeated measures” issue is, in my opinion, an artifact of the potential outcomes framework which encourages people to think of discrete counterfactuals (
In this situation, expressing the research design as a causal graph is quite helpful. At its simplest level, the causal graph of the experiment can be expressed as the following:
In this case, the treatment is randomly assigned and causes a mediator
The authors do an admirable job in the experiment trying to ascertain what these pathways are in part by randomizing different kinds of treatments that should cause different values in
In the context of this experiment, we are fairly certain that these mediated effects are the most relevant; it would not seem plausible that the treatment would have much of a direct effect on
In other words, we would not think that monitoring CEMS data would have any effect without being able to get policymakers to pay attention. As such, we do not need to be as concerned about separating the direct from the indirect effects.
For these reasons, I think the authors should perform a simple pooled analysis as a baseline specification–i.e., compare post-treatment observations for treatment to control without any fixed effects, or if including fixed effects, include firm fixed effects only (to isolate the within-firm effect) or fixed effects for the districts within which randomization was conducted (for the between-firm effect). These naive models will combine the direct and indirect effects of
To understand the time dynamics better (i.e. what is involved in
Including the fixed effects as such, that is, without a clear causal model, risks inducing post-treatment bias (Montgomery et al. 2018). Each of the day
I would also encourage the authors to consider the growing literature on sequential ignorability, especially as expressed using causal diagrams (Xu 2023). There may be many possible estimators or comparisons, but being clear about which particular comparisons are employed would help make it clear exactly what the average treatment effect is.
These concerns aside, I do think that the experimental analysis as written produces some clear findings, especially that social media posts seem to generate more of a reaction from government officials and consequently firms in terms of their behavior. It is important to note as well that the experiment “failed” to affect some outcomes, such as firm-level outcomes in terms of pollution when the appeals were made privately (see row 1 in Table 3). Furthermore, while the treatment lowers violations, its impact on aggregate pollution is less clear (table 7), possibly because firms can meet air quality standards but still pollute substantially. As such, we learn not only that Weibo is a uniquely important mechanism for affecting government preferences in China, but also that other channels by which the government could learn apparently important information about polluters can have a very limited effect at least in terms of pollution outcomes.
The Weibo treatment has clear policy impact. In fact, if it can be implemented in China, which is notorious for controlling the information environment, it should be even easier to implement in the many countries that have much less control over social media. The impact of the policy is also high relative to the cost: boosting social media posts does not require enormous investments in capital. Highlighting complaints to policymakers that are observable to other citizens would appear to be a rewarding strategy that advocacy NGOs could use on behalf of important issues like climate change, immigration and anti-corruption.
At the same time, there are important limitations to the external validity which are not fully acknowledged in the present draft. Crucial to this strategy succeeding is the utility function of the policymaker. As the authors note, China is exceptional in its commitment to citizen concerns concerning pollution, especially for an authoritarian state which presumably does not face the same accountability pressures of regular popular elections (Slater 2012). The Chinese Communist Party, at least under the leadership of Hu Jintao, believed that the legitimacy of the state rested on mitigating pollution harms, especially those which resonated with the broader population. They imposed these goals on local bureaucrats by designing institutions like the local EPAs that have to fine and regulate local firms in order to survive and gain promotion.
Importantly, the field experiment does not have any control over this utility function. If we were to implement the Weibo treatment in an institutional framework that did not prioritize pollution harms, we would not necessarily observe such large treatment effects. Furthermore, in authoritarian regimes that do not share China’s commitment to responding to citizen concerns, social media activism could well invite repression and censorship rather than policy change (Pan & Siegal 2020). I agree with the authors’ assessment that their treatment was ethical in China, but that analysis depended on China’s particular legislation that privileged and protected this kind of citizen speech. Any application of the treatment to another state would have to do the same kind of in-depth analysis to understand whether it would be effective and whether it would expose ordinary people to harm or retaliation.
Second, the kind of general equilibrium analysis that the experiment engages in is limited to displacement effects among firms. While the experiment was appropriately designed to test this effect, I did not find it to be the kind of general equilibrium analysis we should be most concerned about with this treatment. A priori, I did not think it very likely that local firms would increase pollution after observing punishments aimed at other firms. It is possible, but depends on other firms making a series of judgments about local bureaucrats being overwhelmed by enforcement actions that I thought are unlikely to be as great as the Bayesian updating that they could be the next target.
Instead, the equilibrium analysis we need is how companies would respond after realizing that an external actor is selectively boosting social media posts. It would seem that local companies and bureaucrats would not have known that there was a campaign to send more enforcement actions; were this knowledge to become known, firms might lobby bureaucrats to ignore these requests because their external nature makes them illegitimate (Buchanan 1980). If bureaucrats are aimed at appeasing public opinion, then they might become less responsive if they see these appeals as being artificially generated by an interest group. In summary, in general equilibrium the policy may not remain effective over the long term due to counter-lobbying of companies and their business associations.
Despite these concerns, I remain bullish on the applicability of this intervention to broader contexts. The effectiveness of the treatment will likely diminish once companies respond to the change in the policy environment, but this kind of mitigation is almost a truism given what we expect rational actors to do when facing serious costs to their business. The treatment’s cost-effectiveness strongly implies that it is would be a valuable tool for policy change and enforcement. I would end though with the caution that the implementer must have a good sense of the risks of the strategy for those who post appeals on social media and whether they might face repression or censorship as a result.